Герман Виноградов

Художник Герман Виноградов предлагал окружающим «зарядиться» водой, настоянной на Конституции Подробнее


Лев Александрович

Лев Александрович "Возбуждает ненависть" на митинге в поддержку Андрея Ерофеева и Юрия Самодурова – организаторов выставки «Запретное искусство – 2006» Подробнее


Нет политическим убийствам!

Митинг памяти Станислава Маркелова и Анастасии Бабуровой Подробнее


ОМОН всегда готов...

Арест во время полицейского штурма демонстрации в Москве в ноябре 2007 года. Подробнее


Annihilation of the social state in the Russian Federation



Abstracts of the report by Lev PONOMAREV, 

executive director of the All-Russian public movement “For Human Rights”

1. Revolutionary events in the beginning of the 90-s of the last century led to fast and widespread decrease of the majority of Russia’s population standard of living and to significant social stratification. For 10 years the county lived mostly at the expense of foreign loans. Trying to restrain landslide advance of poverty, on the national and regional levels the reformatory government took such measures as granting citizens the right for gratuitousprivatization of apartments, free use of public transport by pensioners and disabled persons (first of all in Moscow), providing chronically ill people by medicines for free or at discount prices, significant subsidizing of utility bills, subsidizing of some foodstuffs prices, child benefits. Provision of free treatment and education, based in Soviet times, formally remained, but their level sweepingly declined.

2. In autumn 1993 after the violent conflict with anti-liberal opposition leaning on the parliament’s majority, president Yeltsin put to a plebiscite a draft Constitution. In the draft a sharp increase of president’s power and consolidation of private property including land property were balanced by the introduction of a special article number 7 proclaiming the country a “social state”. Socio-economic rights are very declaratively defined in the Constitution’s articles 39 to 43.

3. The 1998 financial crisis was a great blow to the most vulnerable social layers. On the one hand, rapid fall in the exchange rate of the ruble stimulated an upswing in production. But it also made the level of pensions and salaries in the budget sphere – education, healthcare, science, army and state institutions – very low.

4. The coming of Putin to power in 2000 coincided with three processes:

- a significant growth of budget revenues due to growth of income from commodity exports;

- redistribution of wealthand property as a result of raider seizureof property in conditions of corruptionof courts andlaw enforcement;

- complete dismantling of institutional guarantees of social and economic rights.

Social and economic rights were replaced by social pittances and creating exclusive conditions for fast enrichment of businesses affiliated with the authorities.

A number of important juridical innovations seriously complicated the protection of social rights:

- changes inthe CivilProcedure Law liquidated the institute of lay judges and public prosecutor's supervision on respecting the rule of law in civil process (they remain only for cases of eviction, termination of parental rights and dismissals);

- changes in the Housing code deprived unwanted non-owners, most often parents of those who had decided to get rid of them or former spousesof rightsto livein apartments and houses;

-  changes in labor legislation (approval of the Labor code) eliminated the term “labor collective” that appeared in the USSR in 1983 and made workers of a company or an institution a subject of legal relations; and also deprived representatives of minoritary labor unions of the right to establish collective agreements, forcing to orient themselves on “the main  trade union”, usually either connected to the party in power (including straight connection through joining the pro-Putin “Popular front”) or created by oligarchs employers.

  Protests against such measures were paralyzed in 2001-2002 due to all parliament parties’ support of different aspects of Putin’s policies.

5. After Putin’s triumphal re-election in spring 2004 he felt empowered enough to begin a radical change in social policy. The main act was so-called “monetization of benefits”. It was about increasing pensions and aids with cancelling such benefits as free pass (except Moscow where subsidizing comes from the rich city budget), understatedutility rates, free drugs, permits to sanatoriums. Increasing of pensions was seen as compensation of the inflation and the necessity to pay for the use of public transport  shocked pensioners in January 2005. In the two following months hundreds of thousands protesters filled the streets countrywide. As a result the authorities significantly increased pensions and aids which caused a sharp surgein consumer prices in groups withlow incomes.

6. High prices on oil and gas along withfilling the budget led to rapid price increase of fuel in the extremely monopolized domestic market. Consequently in 2006 – 2008 inflation rose, that devalued salaries in the budget sphere and pensions. A new leap insocial stratification happened, a group of very rich people (Euro billionaires) sharply separated, and the social distance between the middle class in big cities and poor layers increased.  As a result the degree of social stratification rose to a 17-fold gap between the 10% of the poorest population and the 10% of the most wealthy, among which stand out the 2% controlling 90%.  According to one of the conclusions of the report “Level and mode of life of Russia’s population in 1989-2009” written by the competent Higher School of Economics (HSE), during the last 20 years of reforms the wealthiest Russians became twice richer, and the poorest -   самыеобеспеченныероссиянесталибогачевдвараза, асамыебедные- one and a half times poorer. The level of inequality in Russia is now higher than in all European Union countries and all members of OECD and compares with that of Turkey and Mexico.

In the beginning of October 2012 Swiss Credit Suisse Bank’s Global Wealth Report was published. The research held from the middle of 2011 until the middle of 2012 showed that  income inequality in Russia is the highest in the world excluding  small nations of the Caribbean. According to the data obtained by the report’s authors, in Russia billionaires (about 100 people) hold nearly 30% of total  welfare of Russians, while worldwide, the proportion of billionaires account for less than 2% of the general welfare.

I could not say I was in any way surprised by those figures: social segregation in Russia has been off the leash since the 1990s. Unfortunately, any hopes of that being a short-term effect have turned out to be in vain. There were hopes during the transition period that Russia would become a country with a high-yield economy and a qualified workforce while retaining the Soviet heritage of a strong social security system. What has happened is almost a parody, Credit Suisse's report says.

 The inequality is made worse by total corruption, which has become Russia's bane.

Credit Suisse's report is by far not the first study of inequality in the distribution of wealth in our country. Analysts from Finekspertiza who conducted a similar study in 2012 have come to similar conclusions. They have found that the so-called “Robin hood index”, that is, to say a share of a society's total wealth that needs to be redistributed for complete equality, for Russia, now equals 30% (with the norm benchmark being placed at 20%).

Given that, the absence of large-scale social disturbances in Russia can only be attributed to the populace's incredible patience. The dominating factor here is that, following the poverty of the 1990s, the relative prosperity of modern Russia is perceived as an achievement. According to Credit Global Wealth Report, the wealth of an average Russian household grew from 1,000 Euros to a little over 10,000 Euros in the period of 2001-2006. It is currently a faction less than 10,000. The average adult Russian currently owns $3,000's worth of financial assets and roughly twice that in real estate. Russia therefore falls into the bracket of 3,000 to 20,000 Euros in wealth per person, next to Turkey, Iran and Egypt.

A significant part of the country, including some provinces situated in western Russia, are constituted of economic depression zones. These areas have, like many third world countries, fallen into the underdevelopment trap. The depression belt surround cities, spanning large areas between regional capitals. Illegal forcible takeovers of farms and other agrarian businesses have led to the sector's quick degradation, the annihilation of social infrastructure in villages and a steady unemployment hike. The forest fires of summer 2010 showed that many Russian villages were isolated, many scarcely populated and some existed only on paper.

7.   Corruption and obedience of the judicial authority are two important factors contributing to the systemic violations of Russians' social rights. Due to this, people who unlawfully cheated out of their houses and forced to live on the streets (for instance, by dishonest mortgage bankers) are unable to defend their rights in court.

Flagrant and direct falsifications at elections, the authorities' control over main opposition parties and insufficient personal authority commanded by parliament members are obstructing citizens from defending their own rights by appealing directly to federal or municipal parliament members. Decisions (including those on important draft laws) are made behind closed doors, without any discussion with expert communities.

These decisions, like the introduction of a new general construction plan for Moscow, the humongous construction projects in Sochi ahead of the 2014 winter Olympics, the recent increase of Moscow's administrative territory by 200% and amendments to laws on education were all, quite surprisingly, unveiled when they were in the stages of operative development. All citizen effort was then focused on halting the authorities' initiative, a battle that the civil society is always doomed to lose.

Slapdash motions on behalf of municipal authorities, specifically those aimed against vendor kiosks and public markets in Moscow have resulted in large numbers of lower-middle class citizens losing their jobs and businesses. The reason for those measures may have been officials' desire to replace an inexpensive street market with a better-yielding shopping mall or simply to get rid of the aesthetically displeasing street market.

Systemic extortion holds a special place in the broad spectrum of economic violations that occur in Russia. Businesses are “asked” to make donations which may go to the local police, or prosecutor's office department, or indeed the United Russia Party. Attempts on behalf of certain officials, or people affiliated with them, to take over businesses by fabricating criminal cases are a frequent and even less lawful practice.

8. Extensive construction of commercial housing is underway. Moscow's projected housing density is 30 thousand square meters of housing per hectare (10,000 people per km. sq.), add the massive number of shopping malls, the figure surpasses the respective indicators for London and other European cities including Paris, Berlin, Rome and Madrid, yet in Moscow, where the number of new apartments becoming available every year is the highest in Russia, a family would have to wait for 20 years to be granted a municipally owned apartment to live in. The rent and real estate prices are extremely high. Mortgage is hardly affordable, even for the middle class. The high rent prices devour a significant part of the incomes of non-natives and young families.

9. The commercialization of medical services has led to the rapid decline of readily available medical services. Vital but low-profit drugs are forced out from the market. Doctors are instructed to prescribe medicines that are not marketed. As the state budget grows drastically, shipments of insulin and other vital medicines, including those intended for sick children, are delayed by months. The average wage of a Russian medical worker, is 500 Euros per month but it is half that in rural areas and 30% of the figure in the Caucasus, despite a multitude of programs designed to counter that effect.

10. The number of budget-sponsored (or free) seats in universities has dropped drastically during Putin's 12 year term in office. The average size of a bribe paid by students to pass exams also grew. The quality of education for city-funded schools has declined drastically. The state's benchmark standard for education has been simplified. As a result, a high-quality and free education, the cornerstone for a socially-oriented state, is hard to come by in Russia.

11. The situation concerning social rights in penitentiaries, eg. access to medicines for inmates and their ability to continue their education of start a new one, is utterly catastrophic. The labor rights of working inmates are not secured, the social reintegration and employment system is purely nominal in its existence.

Hundreds of thousands of forced migrants have found themselves living the lives of slaves, victims to hyper-exploitation by their employers and extreme corruption on behalf of officials. The dismantling of the institutional system that warranted social and economic rights has forced the majority of people to resort to protest and threats to defend their own rights.

12. The only factor that still forces the state to intervene, supporting regular citizens, is the state's need for electoral support and its fear of mass protests. It was fear of mass political protests that forced the authorities to cap unemployment during the 2008-2009 financial crisis, when unemployed people were hired by utilities companies en masse and massive direct and indirect budget subsidies were allocated to maintain jobs at the huge automobile factory in Naberezhnye Chelny (Tatarstan) and Pytalovo (Leningrad region). Massive military orders have been placed by the state in part for the same reasons.

The mass protests of December 2011 have forced the authorities to increase wages and pensions several times. The government has postponed its plans to increase housing taxes. The office of business-ombudsman was introduced in order to counter the persecution of businessmen. According to the current draft bill, the business ombudsman will have more authority than the federal human rights envoy. After Putin's re-election however, another attack against social rights has begun: budget financing of healthcare and education facilities has dropped, considering the inflation level. The utilities sphere, harshly regulated by the authorities and corrupted businesses, remains a huge “auxiliary” tax burden on the populace. The utilities sphere is a monopoly riddles with corruption.

13. As a result of Putin's 12 years of “controlled democracy” or, to be more precise, his enforced police state , Russia now has a system used for the distribution of social guarantees and benefits, but rights are never guaranteed. Healthcare, education or housing is never a guarantee. Social and geographic segregation are on the rise and there are no reliable democratic mechanisms for the protection of social rights.


Open letter to Mr. Ronald Keller


Mr. Ronald Keller,
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador to the Russian Federation

The Royal Netherlands Embassy
6 Kalashny lane, 115127 Moscow

Your Excellency,

You are, of course, aware of the tragedy that took place in the Netherlands involving the asylum seeker Mr. Alexander Dolmatov.

In our imperfect world, the Netherlands are considered to be one of the rare specimens of countries who are characterized by their strict observance of human rights and the rule of law. However, certain clumsy actions of the intelligence and security community of the country have repeatedly provoked indignation of the Dutch society, and embarrassed the government.

With regard of the circumstances of the death of our compatriot, we carefully studied the various views, including those in your country, which revealed evidence of grave concern. Very briefly, these circumstances are as follows:

On Mr. Dolmatov, an engineer who conceptualized missiles was applied pressure to persuade him to change his status of asylum seeker to defector.

Defector status and the related deal, of course, leads to tangible benefits, uncomparable with the conditions provided to political refugees, but imposes certain obligations. Anyway, Mr. Dolmatov, as we know, refused the deal.

As a result of his refusal, Mr. Dolmatov was reportedly subjected to blackmail. He was allegedly told that the Russian authorities would be provided with false information that Mr. Dolmatov revealed Russian state secrets, and if he continues to persist, the asylum will be denied, and he will be deported to Russia.

Manipulation of the intelligence agency against the due course of justice in order to achieve a court decision to refuse asylum, is of course, of particular concern.

We assure you that, in accordance with the laws of the Netherlands and international humanitarian law, Mr. Dolmatov had had indisputable reasons to claim asylum in the first safe country.

In this regard, there is no doubt that the decision would be reversed on appeal. However, the refugee because of his naïveté was not aware of that. He committed two suicide attempts. It would seem to suggest cessation of psychological pressure, as well as an emergency provision for professional psychological help.

However, due to lack of professional competence of the responsible Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations official, the refugee’s despair has been interpreted as a sign that he was about to break and become more open to the offer. Psychological pressure continued, and led to the suicide of the man while in the care and the responsibility of the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations of the Netherlands.

Judging by the content of the statement of your staff, the Minister Plenipotentiary of the Embassy of the Netherlands in Russia Mr. Onno Elderenbosch, The Hague does allegedly not possess the information which is presently being actively discussed.

This is particularly unfortunate in view of the fact that some of the details of the story came to us from Zoetermeer, from where the Ministry of Foreign Affairs can be reached within fifteen minutes.

The forces of reaction in our country are propagating their false assertion that special services everywhere in the world are practicing brutal lawlessness with impunity and the Dolmatov case is just one recent example. We are far from thinking that directors of the special services of the Netherlands could authorize such an unwise operation being initiated into all the details.

No one would argue that an objective investigation is necessary. Those responsible should, if found guilty, be punished.

If criminal guilt of these officials cannot be established, the Ministry of Interior and Kingdom Relations and the Ministry of Defence in your country would be better off without professionally unfit employees within their ranks.

And the last, but not the least consideration: someone has to support the family of Mr. Dolmatov who lost a breadwinner.

We are convinced that you, Your Excellency, can certainly bring these concerns to the attention of your Government, and we are kindly asking you to do so.

Faithfully yours,

Tatiana Volkova, legal adviser,
All-Russian public movement “For human rights”

Yevgeny Ikhlov, executive secretary of the Public Advisory Council,
All-Russian public movement “For human rights”

Open Address of the Russian Human Rights Council to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe



Council of Europe Should Pay Attention to Step-by-Step Demolition of Democracy in the Russian Federation

All the Council of Europe member states are obliged to comply with the obligations they have undertaken on themselves as regards human and civil rights and basic principles of a democratic society – even more so if these are enshrined in the constitutional acts.

We would like to draw your attention to the dramatic developments taking place in Russia.

Following Russian parliamentary and presidential elections that were neither free nor fair and undermined the legitimacy of the authorities and fueled public protests, Russia’s ruling bureaucracy has been able to persuade the parliament to pass a package of laws that drastically limit civil liberties in Russia and contradict both the Constitution and Russia’s international obligations.

Amendments to the law on rallies and demonstrations have introduced Draconian sanctions and de facto made it necessary to obtain the authorities’ permission before staging a public event. Other laws have introduced internet censorship and brought back  libel and slander charges into the Russian Penal Code. Non-governmental organisations focusing on human rights defence, environment, and education that receive financial support from foreign funds have been offered to register as “acting in the capacity of a foreign agent.” While this is to be done “voluntarily,” failure to do may result in the halt of the organisation activity or even lead to criminal charges.

The legal assault on civil liberties is accompanied by show trials which are obviously political ones.

Security services have initiated criminal prosecution of scientists accused of espionage with charges grounded on their co-operation with foreign scientific institutions. To mention just one example, two St. Petersburg professors have been sentenced to long prison terms in a trial which is a vivid reminder of Stalin’s “justice.”

All over the world people have been shocked by the striking similarity to the Inquisition of the trial of Pussy Riot punk band. Now this issue has been superseded by another case, that of the Bolotnaya Square prisoners. The “Bolotnaya” case, as it is widely known, refers to charges of rioting against participants of the May 6, 2012, rally in the centre of Moscow, an event that had been approved  by the authorities.

Another fabricated case is also underway against the well-known opposition activist Alexei Navalny. In another development, the authorities are intended to strip opposition MPs Gennady Gudkov and Ilya Ponomarev of their Duma seats which will lead to the loss of parliamentary immunity.

It is obvious that the Kremlin has chosen Belarusian President Lukashenko’s path in its fight with the  opposition, with its dramatic curtailing of civil rights and liberties and politically-motivated show trials. We are witnessing a final transition to the authoritarian police regime which also includes some totalitarian repressive practices.

It is clear to us that democracy, freedom and rule of law can not be imported into Russia from outside. It is up to the Russian civil society to solve this task. We are certain, though, that the Council of Europe should assist those in Russia for whom human rights are the priority. That is why we urge PACE not to limit itself to the monitoring of the situation in Russia but also take effective measures to stop political persecutions and assault on civil liberties in our country.

We urge the President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, PACE’s  Monitoring Committee, the Committee on Political Affairs and Democracy, the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights, the Reporters on Russia, MPs and political groups of the Parliamentary Assembly to take into account numerous examples of demolition of democracy cited in the previous part of this address. We urge you to discuss Russia’s non-compliance with the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and request the Venice Commission to examine the new Russian laws restricting freedom of opinion, freedom of association, the right to elect and be elected as well as the right of protection against arbitrary and unfair charges.

We urge to make amendments to the Recommendation CM/Rec(2007)14 of the Committee of Ministers to member states on the legal status of non-governmental organisations in Europe so as to safeguard citizens’ associations receiving financial support from well-reputed foreign funds from political persecution.

We urge to conduct urgent hearings during PACE’s autumn session on the step-by-step measures of the Russian authorities aimed at demolition of democracy  and harassment of the opposition in the Russian Federation.

At these hearings the Russian Federation’s statements should be requested on the suppression of civil rights and liberties. It would seem natural to also hear from heads of reputable Russian and international NGOs as well as long-standing members of PACE acting as representatives of the Russian parliament--Mr. Vladmir Lukin, Mr. Sergei Kovalyov and Mr. A. Shishlov. The hearing might end with a PACE resolution recommending country members of the Council of Europe to challenge the legal decisions and political practice of the Russian authorities.

Lyudmila Alexeeva, Chairwoman, Moscow Helsinki Group
Valery Borshchev, member, Moscow Helsinki Group,
Yury Vdovin, “Civil Supervision” Human Rights Organisation
Svetlana Gannushkina, Civil Assistance Committee
Oleg Orlov, board member, Memorial Human Rights Centre
Sergei Kovalyov, chairman, Public Commission on Andrei Sakharov’s Heritage
Lev Ponomaryov, “For Human Rights” All-Russian movement
Liliya Shibanova, Golos Association for the Protection of Voters’ Rights
Yury Schmidt, lawyer, St. Petersburg Human Rights Council

September 5, 2012





To the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Vice-President of the European Commission Mrs Catherin Ashton



One should not be indifferent to Russia going back to the realm of political repressions


Dear Ladies and Gentlemen,


We address you in hopes that you raise the issue of the situation with human rights and democratic freedoms in Russia today, which is becoming as disastrous as it was in the USSR.

In August 1975, historical Helsinki Accords were signed that have drawn a line under the Second World War.

In these accords it was clearly and unequivocally publicly acknowledged that respect to the basic freedoms in the European countries is not their purely internal matter, and it is equally important for ensuring security on the continent as, for example, the "transparency" in the location of the armed forces.

Based on an analysis of events during the recent months in the Russian Federation, we come to the conclusion that our country is rapidly returning to the realm of political repression and injustice, from which it began to get out a quarter of a century ago.

Repressive policy of Russia is developing in two directions: the adoption of repressive laws and persecution of the opposition.

Led by the "United Russia" and actually in coalition with it Zhirinovsky's LDPR the State Duma is ceaselessly coining repressive laws. Thanks to these laws for the first time after Stalin times a legal system is being created in Russia which allows criminal charges against any opponent of the regime, persecution of any socially active non-governmental organization.

The most important in this system is the law that makes it possible to arraign on the criminal chargearraign on the criminal charges as on treason for any cooperation with foreign organizations unauthorized by the Government. In the opinion of many in Russia and in the world, its provisions, taking into consideration other Russian official documents literally repeat the regulations of Stalin legislation on enemies of the people - the notorious article 58 of the Penal Code, that made millions of victims.

Another sensational repressive law directly aimed at suppressing human rights and environmental organizations that receive grants from Western charities, is the law that contains the humiliating requirement to register as "foreign agents." Furthermore by the political activity the law understands any social activity associated with shaping public opinion. To our knowledge, all human rights organizations have refused to voluntarily register as "foreign agents". Therefore in the near future they will be subject to repression, up to the fines and imprisonments

In addition, a law is under preparation that punishes for any public statement that can be interpreted as an insult to the feelings of believers. Criticism of Orthodox leaders is considered to be such an insult. Bans of theater productions and art exhibitions have acquired a character of widespread practice, restoring actually the ideological censorship.

The practical realization of the return to the stalin type repressions, undergoing in Russia today, was the preparation of political megaprocess following the events on Bolotnaya Square in central Moscow on May 6, 2012. After the completely unfounded accusation in riots against 18 people, 12 of whom are deprived of freedom, the charges of organization of political conspiracy inspired by Georgian politicians is being drawn to the case.

Victims of such delusional accusation became leftist activists - the abducted outside of the UNHCR office in Kiev and subjected to illegal pressure by investigators Leonid Razvozzhaev, arrested Konstantin Lebedev, as well as prominent opposition leader Sergei Udaltsov.

According to many Russian human rights defenders, activists and journalists, this case fully reminds Stalinist methods of fabrication of show trials.

Furthermore, the investigation is preparing another supercase - "the sedition to violent change of constitutional system" that is within the authority of the state security and can affect all the opposition.

The trial of the Pussy Riot group gained enormous social importance. The charge was actually "blasphemy", which was not criminalized by the legislation existing at the time. Starting from this process there began a frank transformation of Orthodoxy into the state ideology, and criticism of the correctness of this policy was turned into a criminal offense.

Unreasonable interpretation of the May 6 events as "mass disorders" was an occasion for the regime to adopt a package of repressive laws: on meetings, on NGOs, on recriminalisation of slander and on extrajudicial Internet censorship. These laws have already been recognized by the Venice Commission violating democratic standards of the Council of Europe. Russian norms against homosexuality and against "political extremism" have been also recognized as anti-democratic. The UN Committee against Torture has opposed the expansion of the treason concept in Russia and labeling non-governmental organizations as "foreign agents."

Authorities widely use the pseudo-public structures for pressure on dissidents and opposition. Among other things attacks on activists by provocateurs, surveillance and wiretaps, mass hacker attacks are widely practiced.

Violations during the elections, fraud, mass removal of opposition candidates have turned elections into a fiction, led to non-recognition of legitimacy of the results of parliamentary and presidential elections.

In the North Caucasus massive and systematic violations of human rights are going on and are linked with torture and murder of suspects in connections with the armed rebellions, with discrimination of religious dissidents and with actual violation of gender equality in Chechnya.

In the penitentiary system in Russia killing and torture of prisoners, bringing them to suicide remain a widely spread phenomenon.

Deliberate policy of dismantling liberal reforms, which has become a real "perestroyka vice a versa", is supplemented by the imposition of aggressive nationalism and clericalism, appeals to rejection of the influence of Western civilization.

It is impossible to find answers to the challenges of the modern world with hypocritical ignoring the fact that in one of the leading countries in the world for many years there is a consistent and systematic elimination of democracy as such.

We believe that the calm indifference of politicians of democratic countries in the face of Russia diving into the atmosphere of tyranny and injustice is not only immoral, but also fraught with danger for the continent, as the threat of establishment of a totalitarian right-wing wing militarized system capable of adventures in foreign policy is rapidly growing.

Therefore, we urge you not to be silent, and to publicly announce to the Russian authorities the unacceptability of their line.

Members of the "Human Rights Council of Russia":

Lyudmila Alekseeva, Chairman of the Moscow Helsinki Group

Valery Borshchev, a member of the Moscow Helsinki Group

Lev Ponomarev, Russian Movement "For Human Rights"

Lilia Shibanova Association "Voice"

Yury Vdovin, human rights organization "Citizens' Watch"

Another example of a businessman false charge fabrication

Reports and articles

The Russian Court sentenced Nikolaj Kudelko, the citizen of Lithuania, to 6 years of imprisonment for illegal entrepreneurship and for illegal usage of trademark.

Reports and articles

Reports and articles

Reports and articles

Сбор пожертвований

ПожертвованияПожертвования на оплату юридической помощи Ильдару Дадину и другим пострадавшим от пыток в ИК-7 в Карелии (пометка «для Ильдара Дадина»), а также на уставную деятельность можно перевести на карту «Сбербанка»:

Номер карты: 4276 3800 9459 0358

ФИО получателя: Пономарёв Лев Александрович


Московская Хельсинкская группаКоалиция За право выбора!Совет при Президенте РФ по содействию развитию институтов гражданского общества и правам человекаЗа демократическую альтернативную гражданскую службу!Кавказский узелОбщественный контроль. Официальный сайт Ассоциации независимых наблюдателейЧКНССовестьМЕМОРИАЛ о войне на Северном КавказеЛипцер, Ставицкая и партнёры - московская коллегия адвокатов